The re-election of Daniel Noboa in Ecuador marks a new chapter in Latin American politics. Barely 37 years old, the president consolidated his mandate with 56% of the votes against 44% for the leftist candidate Luisa Gonzalez, who did not recognize the result. His victory not only breaks the streak of defeats that accompanied his father, Alvaro Noboa, but also reinforces a regional profile on the rise: that of leaders who rely on the iron fist as a pillar of governance.

Since taking office in 2023 to complete the term of former President Guillermo Lasso, Noboa has become the visible face of the war against organized crime. Ecuador, which according to his own statements concentrates 70% of the cocaine that goes out to the world, became a battlefield. "The narcos never imagined that I would have the balls to declare war on them," he told the New Yorker.

His strategy includes the deployment of military in the streets and prisons, with images reminiscent of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele's policies: half-naked prisoners lined up in prisons as a show of force. The policy has also brought him criticism from human rights organizations for abuses during states of emergency and the declaration of internal armed conflict. In Guayaquil, four children were murdered and burned, in a case involving 16 military personnel.

Born in the United States and graduated from foreign universities, Noboa has built a figure that mixes youth, public austerity and a strong media strategy. In social networks he shows himself in everyday attitudes, playing the guitar or playing sports, while reinforcing his image of "warrior president" with photographs mounted on tanks or dressed in bulletproof vests.

In the recent campaign, Noboa emphasized the search for international support. His meeting in Florida with President Donald Trump was "quite positive", as he himself described it. There he asked for direct military support from the United States, even raising the possibility of reestablishing foreign bases, eliminating the constitutional prohibition in force since the departure of U.S. troops from Manta in 2009. Trump, for his part, promised to "review" the request to include Ecuadorian drug gangs on the list of terrorist organizations.

The Ecuadorian president has also announced an alliance with Erik Prince, founder of the questioned security company Blackwater, whose members are already working in the country in advisory and training tasks.

Noboa stresses that the relationship with Washington is vital not only for security reasons: "With the United States, we use its currency and it is our main trading partner," he recalled.

His confrontation with drug trafficking has had an impact on statistics. According to Noboa himself, the homicide rate fell from 47 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2023 to 38 in 2024. "We are not a promise. We are a reality," he said.

However, his term in office has not been free of personal controversies. His ex-wife Gabriela Goldbaum accused him before Congress of sexism and of preventing her from having contact with their daughter. Vice-president Veronica Abad also denounced gender violence after his attempts to marginalize her from office.

Despite these episodes, Noboa remains one of the most popular presidents in the region, driven by a narrative of efficiency and the erosion of traditional political alternatives.

Where is Latin America headed?

Noboa's re-election reinforces a bloc of Latin American governments that, while diverse in style, share an ironclad security agenda and pragmatic international alliances.

Currently, most Latin American governments are left or center-left: Lula da Silva in Brazil, Gustavo Petro in Colombia, Gabriel Boric in Chile and Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico are some of the prominent names. However, the right and center-right have regained ground. In addition to Ecuador with Noboa, Luis Lacalle Pou in Uruguay, Santiago Peña in Paraguay and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador stand out.

The region, however, is not explained only in terms of left or right. Javier Milei in Argentina leads a radical libertarian right-wing experiment, while Dina Boluarte in Peru heads a government with a pragmatic profile.

Ecuador, under Noboa, is aligned with the trend of young presidents who prioritize security and internal order as the main axis of government. His model is close to Bukele's: quick solutions to the security crisis, strong digital communication and consolidation of power through public image.

And Trump, there

Donald Trump's return to the White House in January 2025 reshaped hemispheric relations. Noboa has sought not only military support, but also greater coordination on trade and migration issues.

For governments of the right or center-right, the harmony with Trump is natural. Bukele maintains strategic affinities with Washington, although he faces pressures due to the massive deportations of Central Americans. Santiago Peña and Luis Lacalle Pou manage cordial relations, focused on investment and trade.

Tensions are higher with leftist governments. Gustavo Petro in Colombia has had frictions over anti-drug pressure, and Lula da Silva maintains a critical distance, especially in multilateral forums.

Mexico, under Claudia Sheinbaum, maintains a complex relationship: cooperation on migration is sustained, but there are disagreements on trade and energy. She has opted for diplomatic containment to avoid public confrontations.

Milei in Argentina expresses ideological sympathy towards Trump, but prioritizes his economic policy and has even sent advisors for the Trump Administration to execute the necessary adjustment in public spending.

In this scenario, Noboa positions himself as a reliable partner of Washington, willing to advance in military cooperation, regional security policy and economic stability, thus consolidating Ecuador's role as a relevant actor in the new hemispheric architecture.

Daniel Noboa's reelection not only extends his mandate, but also projects him as one of the emerging figures in regional politics. His alliance with the United States, his open war approach against drug trafficking and his international pragmatism make him a reference of the new Latin American leaderships that, beyond ideological labels, are looking for quick answers to the insecurity and institutional crisis that the continent is going through.